Christianity In Epics: Layering Or Soil? - Alternative View

Christianity In Epics: Layering Or Soil? - Alternative View
Christianity In Epics: Layering Or Soil? - Alternative View

Video: Christianity In Epics: Layering Or Soil? - Alternative View

Video: Christianity In Epics: Layering Or Soil? - Alternative View
Video: Lecture 4. Doublets and Contradictions, Seams and Sources 2024, April
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Recently, publications have again appeared in considerable numbers designed to prove that the ideological basis of Russian epics was Orthodox Christianity. Basically, these are articles of national-patriotic publicists (which, of course, does not diminish their value, and, at the same time, does not diminish the responsibility of the authors, since the circle of readers of journalism is incomparably larger than that of any scientific article, and the level of preparedness is lower) … One cannot but respect the aspirations of the late John of St. Petersburg and Ladoga to serve his faith in this way; however, it is quite legitimate to ask the question - with suitable means was an attempt to achieve such a noble goal?

Has not the author fallen into excessive polemical exaggeration when speaking about the Orthodox foundations of epics? It would be dishonest to argue with the obvious fruits of the author's enthusiasm, such as the assertion of epic heroism as a "monastic service" [1]. The inconsistency of reckoning with monks (and even rapprochement with them) of the family Dobrynya (who was, by the way, in his second marriage), the "woman's mockingbird" Alyosha, Ilya Muromets, who has taken root - apparently outside of marriage - a son and a daughter is too obvious; it is not worth remembering that all of these heroes did not shy away from feasts, and constantly violated the sixth commandment to Moses. I repeat, it is simply dishonest to dispute these polemical hobbies of a person defending his faith.

It is very difficult to agree with VV Kozhinov's thesis that “in the post-revolutionary period, the notion that Russian epics were an expression of purely pagan life and consciousness was intensively implanted” [2]. It is very unclear who instilled this idea? V. Ya. Propp believed that "the epic is directed against … mythology as a worldview" [3], ie paganism. His main opponent in epic studies, B. A. Rybakov, attributed the historical basis of most epics to the already Christian era of the X-XIII centuries. [4], and it seems that he never thought about the religious background of the Russian epic. Moreover, from the point of view of BA Rybakov, the difference between Christianity and paganism was not, as you know, fundamental [5]. The heralds of the so-called. "Scientific atheism" like M. I. Shakhnovich, they saidthat “the idea of liberating the people from ancient paganism was reflected in the Russian epic” [6].

But we can find "the idea that Russian epics are an expression of purely … pagan being and consciousness" in by no means post-revolutionary researchers. This is what A. A. Kotlyarovsky wrote: before Christianity "there was another, more ancient life basis of our heroic legends." "Heroic legends have not lost their pagan flavor." "The legends about the Russian heroes did not arise suddenly and not in the era of St. Vladimir: they were the fruit of the entire previous life of the people." “Paganism shines brightly in the character of the heroes, and even Vladimir himself appears in folk fantasy as a pure pagan” [7].

His associate in the mythological school, F. I. Buslaev, argued that the epic epic does not remember baptism, and that Vladimir “even portrays him as a pagan” [8]. “In the epic type of Ilya Muromets, there are many great valor of the ideal hero, but they are all explained in terms of the general laws of morality. The people do not praise the actual Christian virtues in this hero”. Remarks like "stand up for the Orthodox faith … for the sake of churches-monasteries" in the mouths of heroes and especially Ilya Buslaev calls "tirades of the latest product", which "contradict his actions, which from the point of view of Orthodoxy should seem sacrilege" [9].

Not only mythologists adhered to such opinions. The head of their opponents, the head of the historical school VF Miller, considered the image of Vladimir in the epic to be purely pagan [10].

A situation arises that is almost paradoxical - what the authors of post-Soviet Russia ascribe to Soviet researchers, in fact, turns out to be the point of view of Orthodox scientists of the Russian Empire!

However, such hobbies and blunders of Orthodox publicists and researchers should not obscure from us the serious question they raise about the role of the Christian component in Russian epics. Indeed, it is impossible to deny its presence - in the texts of epics, the realities of the Christian era are quite often mentioned - crosses and icons, churches and monasteries, priests and monks, etc. It speaks of the "Orthodox faith", church commandments and similar concepts. True, this topic should be approached with caution. The consciousness of a modern researcher, predominantly secularized and agnostic, often regardless of his self-determination as a “Christian”, is capable of perceiving, as specifically pagan or specifically Christian, features common to any religious consciousness. So,it is easy to see the influence of Christianity in the “voice of heaven” [11], which often appears in the epics about Dobryna Nikitich [12]. However, a voice heard from heaven, informing the hero of the necessary information or encouraging him to make a decision, to act, is found, for example, in ancient Indian literature [13], where it is difficult to suppose Christian influence, and very rarely appears in the Bible and the lives of saints. But in any case, the question arises before the researcher of epics - is all this, so to speak, the soil of epics, their ideological basis, the original organic component of the Russian epic, or a layering, terminological veil that covered a much more ancient layer. In other words, who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scientists of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?often appearing in epics about Dobryna Nikitich [12]. However, a voice heard from heaven, informing the hero of the necessary information or encouraging him to make a decision, to act, is found, for example, in ancient Indian literature [13], where it is difficult to suppose Christian influence, and very rarely appears in the Bible and the lives of saints. But in any case, the question arises before the researcher of epics - is all this, so to speak, the soil of epics, their ideological basis, the original organic component of the Russian epic, or a layering, terminological veil that covered a much more ancient layer. In other words, who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scientists of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?often appearing in epics about Dobryna Nikitich [12]. However, a voice heard from heaven, informing the hero of the necessary information or encouraging him to make a decision, to act, is found, for example, in ancient Indian literature [13], where it is difficult to suppose Christian influence, and very rarely appears in the Bible and the lives of saints. But in any case, the question arises before the researcher of epics - is all this, so to speak, the soil of epics, their ideological basis, the original organic component of the Russian epic, or a layering, terminological veil that covered a much more ancient layer. In other words, who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scholars of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?informing the hero with the necessary information or encouraging a decision, to an action, is found, for example, in ancient Indian literature [13], where it is difficult to assume Christian influence, and very rarely appears in the Bible and the lives of saints. But in any case, the question arises before the researcher of epics - is all this, so to speak, the soil of epics, their ideological basis, the original organic component of the Russian epic, or a layering, terminological veil that covered a much more ancient layer. In other words, who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scholars of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?informing the hero with the necessary information or encouraging a decision, to an action, is found, for example, in ancient Indian literature [13], where it is difficult to assume Christian influence, and very rarely appears in the Bible and the lives of saints. But in any case, the question arises before the researcher of epics - is all this, so to speak, the soil of epics, their ideological basis, the original organic component of the Russian epic, or a layering, terminological veil that covered a much more ancient layer. In other words, who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scientists of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?and very rarely appears in the Bible and the lives of the saints. But in any case, the question arises before the researcher of epics - is all this, so to speak, the soil of epics, their ideological basis, the original organic component of the Russian epic, or a layering, terminological veil that covered a much more ancient layer. In other words, who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scholars of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?and very rarely appears in the Bible and the lives of the saints. But in any case, the question arises before the researcher of epics - is all this, so to speak, the soil of epics, their ideological basis, the original organic component of the Russian epic, or a layering, terminological veil that covered a much more ancient layer. In other words, who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scholars of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?Who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scientists of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?Who is right in assessing the religious background of the epic epic - Orthodox publicists of modern Russia or Orthodox scientists of Orthodox Russia of the century before last?

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The answer to this question will require, first of all, clarification of the legality of its statement. Are there any known examples of "assimilation" by the medieval Christian consciousness of pre-Christian origins of epic legends?

Such examples are easy to find in the epic of Western Europe. This is the British Arturian, in which the semi-legendary king appears as an ideal Catholic sovereign, his knights - as good Christians. Meanwhile, it is worth turning to the lives of British saints - contemporaries of the "king of the past and future" - Gildas, Kadok, Karantok and Padarn, as the image of a pious king who carried the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ on his shoulders in battle, constantly listening to the Bishop of Canterbury and sending knights in search of the cup with the blood of Christ is scattered. In the lives of Arthur - a pagan, a sworn enemy of the church, the destroyer of monasteries [14].

No less expressive are the changes that have taken place in the epic of the Germanic peoples. The Scandinavian "Saga of the Wolsungs" and the German "Song of the Nibelungs" describe the same events, the same heroes. However, in the Christian “Song of the Nibelungs”, the pagan gods-ases, who actively intervened in the course of the Scandinavian saga, “miraculously” disappear; mentions of mass, etc.

So, the famous "quarrel of queens", in "Song …" taking place at the door of the cathedral [17], in the saga takes place during a joint (ritual?) Bathing [18].

However, such examples show only the fundamental possibility of such a “substitution of values”, which is inevitable in the oral existence of an archaic epic in a Christian, or at least a Christianized society of the Middle Ages. For our question, specific examples are required to judge the same processes that took place in the Russian epic epic.

And such examples do exist.

One of the iconic moments of the epic epic from the point of view of Orthodox authors is the scene of the assassination attempt on Ilya Muromets by his son Sokolnik. The spear of the criminal son hits the cross (usually fantastically heavy) on the chest of the sleeping hero and rebounds. The scene is really expressive. But on the Northern Dvina, a curious version of this epic was recorded, where the cross is missing:

A spear flew into Ilya's white chest:

Ilya had a guard of one and a half pounds [L. R.1] [19] …

The version was written in the first half of the 19th century, so the influence of the Soviet atheistic consciousness on the narrator should be excluded. You should also exclude the possibility of replacing the "guardian" of the cross in the text of the epic. The replacement could only take place in the other direction. Recall: “when early and late terms are encountered, the preference for chronological timing should be given to the earlier term” [20]. In a remote corner of the Russian North, the original version of the epic has been preserved, while most of the storytellers have replaced the already incomprehensible "amulet" with a well-known cross.

Another rather bright transitional moment has survived: when the army of "Tatars" approaches Kiev, Vladimir is going to flee, but Princess Aprakseya advises him:

You go to God's church, And you pray to our mighty Gods [21].

It is no less obvious (see above for the methodological substantiation) that the primordial ones here are “mighty Gods”, and the church appeared later.

The transition to Christian symbolism and terminology in a relatively late epic from the Novgorod cycle - the epic "Vasily Buslaev went to pray" is much more fully documented. The most complete - and, in our opinion, the most recent - versions of this epic tells how Vasily Buslaev went to repentance in Jerusalem. At the same time, the famous words are pronounced: "From a young age, a lot of beaten-robbed, under old age you need to save your soul", although according to the epic it is difficult to say that the hero is close to old age. This is a bachelor daredevil, the leader of the same unmarried youth [22]. In most versions, Vasily arrives at Jerusalem from Novgorod by ship, and his path is not described in detail. Less often, there is a very vague description in which Vasily, having passed the way familiar to Russian merchants from the 9th century [23], sails along the Volga to the Caspian [24] Sea, and from there,again, in an incomprehensible way, he penetrates into Jerusalem [25]. Here it remains to agree with Propp, “that this epic was formed and was sung not in a pilgrim environment, where the paths to … Jerusalem were very well known” [26]. However, the third description of Buslaev's path is of much greater interest, in which the hero goes down the Volkhov, to Ladoga and, across the Neva, to the Viran or Veryazhskoe (Baltic) Sea [27]. In some variants of such a route, Buslaev does not even get to any Jerusalem; it is not even mentioned. The fatal encounter with the "white-combustible stone" with a prohibiting inscription and things with a dead head takes place in the middle of the "Veryazhsky Sea" [28]. However, the third description of Buslaev's path is of much greater interest, in which the hero goes down the Volkhov, to Ladoga and, across the Neva, to the Viran or Veryazhskoe (Baltic) Sea [27]. In some variants of such a route, Buslaev does not even get to any Jerusalem; it is not even mentioned. The fatal meeting with the "white-combustible stone" with a prohibiting inscription and things with a dead head takes place in the middle of the "Verazhsky sea" [28]. However, the third description of Buslaev's path is of much greater interest, in which the hero goes down the Volkhov, to Ladoga and, across the Neva, to the Viran or Veryazhskoe (Baltic) Sea [27]. In some variants of such a route, Buslaev does not even get to any Jerusalem; it is not even mentioned. The fatal meeting with the "white-combustible stone" with a prohibiting inscription and things with a dead head takes place in the middle of the "Verazhsky sea" [28].

But it should be borne in mind that there was indeed an island in the Baltic, the value of which in Slavic paganism is quite comparable with the value of Jerusalem in the Christian world. This is Rügen with the sacred city of Arkona [29]. There are many white rocks on it, and the pagan cult of the Baltic Slavs, the largest center of which was Arkona, included cutting off the heads of the victims and preserving them [30]. Actually, the separate storage of skulls is typical for the Slavic pagan cult in general, for the West Slavic in particular [31]. Perhaps this is due to the Celtic influence [32], so perceptible among the Slavs in general and among the Baltic Slavs in particular [33]. We also admit the deeper roots of this custom - the ancient European culture of megaliths was also distinguished by the custom of keeping skulls in sanctuaries [34]. This is how the "white-combustible stone" and the head from the epic are united. At the end of the 11th century, pilgrims came to Rügen from the baptized Czech Republic two centuries earlier for oracles [35]. It is quite permissible to sail to Rügen by Novgorod daredevils, and such swimming in its meaning could be comparable to a visit to Jerusalem, which was replaced, obviously, in the epic, when the ancient religion finally faded into the past, Arkona was destroyed, and Rügen itself became Germanic. This is all the more probable that the Baltic-Slavic origin of Novgorodians (“people of Novgorod from the Varangian clan to the present day” [36]) is proved by many scientists on the basis of linguistic, archaeological and anthropological data [37]; that the Novgorod Archbishop Ilya in 1166 told the priests that “our land was recently baptized” and commemorated the “first priests” [38],and a century earlier, in Novgorod itself, during the clash of the pagan sorcerer with the bishop, only the newly arrived prince with his retinue was on the side of the latter, while “all people are idosh for the sorcerer” [39]; that, finally, Rügen was simply closer to Novgorod than the same Jerusalem or even Constantinople, and Novgorod itself was closer to Rügen than the Czech Republic.

So, we can confidently assume that in the original version of the epic Vasily Buslaev "went to pray" not to Jerusalem, but to the pagan Arkona. And much later, when the focus of the ancient faith perished, and even in Novgorod the faith itself, if not completely disappeared, was "assimilated" by popular Orthodoxy and ceased to be understood as something independent and different from it, the Novgorod daredevil was "forced" to go to Palestine, and by the 19th century this process was not yet completed, so that the displacement of pagan realities by Christian ones can still be traced in various versions of epics. Again, one cannot but recognize the fact that the epic “forces” Buslaev in Jerusalem to blaspheme a Christian relic, bathing naked in the Jordan, is worthy of attention. He also blasphemed in Novgorod, without the slightest hesitation raising his hand to his godbrother,and even on the godfather, a monk, accompanying the fatal blow with the mocking “here's an egg for you - Christ has risen!”, breaking the bell from the Cathedral of St. Sofia - the main Christian shrine of Novgorod [40]. And in all cases Buslaev blasphemes with impunity; retribution overtakes him only when he collides with things with his head and "white-combustible stone" - the shrines of the ancient faith. It is very difficult, not to say impossible, to reconcile such a position of the epic with the opinion about its Christian spiritual foundations [41].it is impossible not to say, to reconcile such a position of the epic with the opinion about its Christian spiritual foundations [41].it is impossible not to say, to reconcile such a position of the epic with the opinion about its Christian spiritual foundations [41].

When the epic talks about the clash of the Russian faith with the religion of foreigners, then here, too, themes that are alien to Christianity arise and are accentuated. So, as an indispensable condition of prayer, ablution is meant. Alyosha Popovich before the battle with Tugarin, camped at the Safat River

Rises early-early, early morning, Matins dawn washes the man, Belaya wipes his pants, Alyosha prays God to the east [42].

Since this prayer is extremely simple and specific: "God, put on a bursachka and often rain", it is tempting to see in the very ritual of prayer-washing just a magical action [43] aimed at connecting with the element of water-rain [44], with the help of which Alyosha extinguishes the "fiery wings" of Tugarin's horse, and literally lowers the enemy sorcerer from heaven to earth.

However, the connection between prayer and ablution in epics is much stronger and by no means accidental. Firstly, Ilya Muromets also accompanies the morning prayer with ablution [45]. Secondly, in a unique episode, when the enemy not only threatens the Russian hero, but also blasphemes the Russian faith, snatching his own, it sounds like this:

We have faith, after all, and it is very easy -

No need to wash your white face, To

worship the Savior is something God. [46]

As you can see, washing the "white face" is included here, and firmly included in the concept of faith. More about any qualities and requirements, rituals of the Russian faith is not said - it is all about "washing". “Bathing, ablution … give the heroes strength and special abilities”, summarize I. Ya. Froyanov and Yu. I. Yudin [47]. It is obvious that the representation enshrined in this rite, as well as the rite itself, have nothing to do with Christianity. But they are present in the rituals of the Indo-European peoples. So, a Zoroastrian before prayer necessarily “washes his face, hands and feet from dust” [48]. Ablution precedes all Hindu rituals, being their important component [49]. In Orthodox Orthodoxy, brought from Byzantium, the ritual of ablution does not exist. But the Old Believers have it, for whom “a noticeable restoration of paganism in their worldview and cultic activities is characteristic” [50].“Before any talk, upon entering the house, the Old Believer takes off his hat and washes his hands; a prayer offered by not completely clean hands, in their opinion, is not pure”[51]. The epic, which reduces the Russian faith to washing, or, in any case, begins it with washing, retained the ancient Aryan, pagan approach to questions of faith.

With these examples, we can confidently conclude that the Christian principle in the Russian epic epic is not primordial. It is a late layering, and is more terminological than value-based. According to the epics, it is possible to trace how this layer was formed, how Christian shrines were replaced by pagan ones in epics. There is also clearer evidence of the pagan antiquity of epics. They describe in sufficient detail, from the point of view of Christians, odious features of paganism. This is the use of the head of a defeated enemy as a trophy (with a distinct shade of human sacrifice - Ilya Muromets, Alyosha Popovich, etc.), these are ritual suicides (Danila Lovchanin and his wife, Danube, etc.), this is a joint burial of spouses (and one of them - alive - Mikhailo Potyk and his wife). And all this is done by the positive heroes of epics,evoking the obvious sympathy of the narrator and designed to evoke it among the listeners. However, this topic requires special consideration. While we can conclude: epics as a genre, their main characters and plots originated in the pre-Christian era. The latest (Novgorod cycle) arose during the confrontation of paganism with victorious Christianity and the folding of "popular Orthodoxy", reflecting the conviction of the Russian people that the forces of the pagan world (Water Tsar, Head, Bel-combustible stone) are stronger and more dangerous than the Christian forces (St. Elder Pilgrimage). The latest (Novgorod cycle) arose during the confrontation of paganism with victorious Christianity and the folding of "popular Orthodoxy", reflecting the conviction of the Russian people that the forces of the pagan world (Water Tsar, Head, Bel-combustible stone) are stronger and more dangerous than the Christian forces (St. Elder Pilgrimage). The latest (Novgorod cycle) arose during the confrontation of paganism with victorious Christianity and the folding of "popular Orthodoxy", reflecting the conviction of the Russian people that the forces of the pagan world (Water Tsar, Head, Bel-combustible stone) are stronger and more dangerous than the Christian forces (St. Elder Pilgrimage).

Notes

Met. John of St. Petersburg and Ladoga. Russian Symphony. Essays on Russian Historiosophy. SPb.: Tsarskoe delo, 2001. p. 37-46.

Kozhinov V. V. History of Russia and the Russian word. M.: Eksmo-press, 2001. p. 125.

Propp V. Ya. Russian heroic epic. L.: 1955. 31.

Rybakov B. A. Kievan Rus and the Russian principalities of the XII-XIII centuries. Moscow: Nauka, 1993. p. 155.

Rybakov B. A. Paganism of the ancient Slavs. M.: Sofia, 2001. p. 3.

Shakhnovich M. I. Man rebel against God. L.: Children's literature, 1980. p. 63.

Quoted from R. S. Lipets. Epic and Ancient Russia. Moscow: Nauka, 1969, pp. 38-39.

Buslaev F. I. Russian heroic epic. Russian folk epic. Voronezh: Central Chernozem Book Publishing House, 1987. P. 99.

Ibid, p. 112.

Miller V. F. Essays, T. III, pp. 31-32.

Vlasova ZI Skomorokhi and folklore. SPb., Aletheya, 2001. S. 180.

Epics. M.: TERRA-Knizhny Mir, 1998. p. 201, 209.

Somadeva. Ocean of legends, selected stories and stories. M.: TERRA - Book club, 1998. p. 83, 160, 223, 256, etc.

Mikhailov A. D. Galfried of Monmouth's Book and Its Fate // Galfried of Monmouth. History of the Britons. Merlin's life. Moscow: Nauka, 1984. p. 219.

Younger Edda. M.: Ladomir, 1994. p. 136.

Song of the Nibelungs. L., Nauka, 1972. S. 41-42.

Beowulf. Elder Edda. Song of the Nibelungs. S. 449-454. Approx. S. 724-725.

The roots of Yggdrazil. M.: TERRA, S. 228.

Ivanova TG Decree op., P. 296. Strictly speaking, the cross itself could appear in epics long before Christianity and without any connection with it. So, for the Bulgarian mermaids, metal crosses on the chest were included in the costume (when it is forbidden to be baptized and pray to the Christian god during the mermaids). The mermaids were a remnant of the male ritual brotherhoods associated with the squad, and performed military dances with swords (Veletskaya N. N. New Years Rusal // Slavs and Rus. M. Science, 1968. p. 396-397).

Lipets R. S., Rabinovich M. G. To the question of the time of formation of epics (weapons of heroes) /// Soviet ethnography, 1960, No. 4. P. 31.

Ilya Muromets. M.-L.: Publishing house of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1958. 145.

Froyanov I. Ya., Yudin Yu. I. Epic history. SPb.: Publishing house of SPbSU, 1997. p. 278-279.

Vilinbakhov VB Baltic-Volga trade route // Soviet archeology, 1963, № 3. p. 126-135. Kirpichnikov A. N., Dubov I. V., Lebedev G. S. Rus and the Varangians (Russian-Scandinavian relations of the pre-Mongol time) // Slavs and Scandinavians. M.: Progress, 1986. p. 284-286.

In the epic "Kaspitskoe". The term itself speaks of the late origin of this motive, otherwise it would have been "Khvalynskoe", as in a number of other epics.

Novgorod epics. Moscow: Nauka, 1978. p. 95.

Propp V. Ya. Russian heroic epic, p. 453.

Novgorod epics, p. 132.

Propp V. Ya. Russian Heroic Epic, p. 453

Hilferding A. F. History of the Baltic Slavs. M.: VNIIONEG, pp. 157-160.

Famintsyn A. S. Deities of the ancient Slavs. St. Petersburg, Aleteya, 1995. p. 54. Mother Lada. Divine genealogy of the Slavs. Pagan pantheon. M.: Eksmo, p. 394. See also Lev the Deacon. History. Moscow: Nauka, 1988. p. 78. Travel of Ahmed Ibn Fadlan to the Itil river and the adoption of Islam in Bulgaria. M.: Mifi-service, 1992. p. 46, etc.

Rusanova I. P., Timoshchuk B. A. Pagan sanctuaries of the ancient Slavs. M.: 1993. p. 71-74. For a curious example of the reflection of the cult of the skull in the Christianized legend "Brother of Christ", see A. N. Afanasyev. Russian folk legends // Zvezdokhtets: Russian fiction of the 17th century. M.: Sov. Russia, 1990, p. 414.

Philip J. Celtic Civilization and Its Heritage. Prague, Artia, 1961. p. 103-104. Shirokova NS Culture of the Celts and the Nordic tradition of antiquity. SPb.: Eurasia, 2000. p. 290, Leroux F., Gyonvarh K.-J. Celtic civilization. SPb.: Cultural Initiative, 2001, Fig. 3 at p. 107.

Kuzmin A. G. On the ethnic nature of the Varangians // Questions of history, no. 11. p. 54-83, Kuzmin A. G. The origins of the cult features of West Slavic pagan temples // Questions of history, 1980, no. from. 82-84., Sedov V. V. Slavs in antiquity. M.: Archeology Foundation, 1994. p. 149-165. Sedov V. V. Slavs: Historical and Archaeological Research. M.: Languages of Slavic culture, 2002. p. 79-95.

Skuratov L. Mystery of the megaliths. // National Democracy. No. 1, 1994. p. 23.

Gedeonov S. A. Varyags and Russia. SPb.: 1876. 134.

Novgorod I Chronicle of the older and younger versions. M.-L.: Publishing house of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1950 S. 406-407.

Vilinbakhov V. B. On one aspect of the historiography of the Varangian problem. // Scandinavian collection, vol. VII, Tallinn, Estgosizdat, 1963, p. 333-346. Vilinbakhov VB Modern historiography on the problem "Baltic Slavs and Rus" // "Soviet Slavonic Studies", 1980, no. from. 79-84. Yanin V. L. Novgorod birch bark letters. // Ancient Russia. Life and culture. Moscow: Nauka, 1997, pp. 137-138. Sedov V. V. Slavs in the early Middle Ages. M.: Archeology Foundation, 1995. p. 244-245. Slavs and Rus: problems and ideas. M.: Flinta, Nauka, 1999. p. 137-139, 143-146, 318-322. Seryakov ML "Pigeon Book" - a sacred legend of the Russian people. M.: Aleteya, 2001. p. 103-105.

Froyanov I. Ya. The beginning of Christianity in Russia. P. 98.

PLDR, pp. 194-195.

Propp V. Ya. Russian heroic epic … pp. 444-447. It is possible that it is in the light of Buslaev's opposition to Christianity that an unclear episode in some of the records of this epic should be considered. Druzhina Buslaeva

white handles are tied, they are shackled with frisky legs, and they were driven into the Pochay River.

(Epics. M.: Det. Literature, 1969. p. 250). Buslaev's guards have already been captured and tied, so their deplorable situation is not just an episode of a fight. This is also not an execution - in Novgorod, the convicts were thrown into the river from the bridge into the river ("The usual death penalty in Novgorod was drowning: the convict was thrown off the bridge" Kostomarov N. I., Russian Republic, p. 321), but in no way were they driven into it … Propp notes that many of Vasily Buslaev's warriors came from the remote outskirts of the Novgorod land (Propp V. Ya. Russian heroic epic … p. 436). There, as you know, hotbeds of paganism remained for a long time (Rybakov B. A. Paganism of ancient Russia. M.: Sofia, 2001. p. 241, 253, etc., Uspensky B. A. Philological research in the field of Slavic antiquities (Relics of paganism in the East Slavic cult of Nikolai Mirlikisky). M.: Publishing house of Moscow State University, 1982. pp. 112-113. Kuznetsov A. V. Dummies on Bald Mountain (Essays on Pagan Toponymy). Vologda: Ardvisura, 1999). We can assume that we are talking about the forcible baptism of Vasily's warriors.

Moreover, this position is characteristic of the so-called. "Popular Orthodoxy" throughout its existence - from the 11th century to the 20th. In the "Tale of Bygone Years" it is reported that the "demons" who killed the Polotsk residents could not follow them into their homes (PLDR, pp. 224-225), protected by pagan protective symbols and pagan domestic gods (Rybakov B. A., Paganism of Ancient Rus … p. 442) - and in the same chronicle they write about a demon walking freely around the monastery church during the service (PLDR, pp. 202-203). In Gogol's "Viy", Khoma Brut is saved from the witch-pannochka and evil spirits not so much by a cross and prayer, although it happens in a church, on consecrated ground, surrounded by many crosses and images, as in a pagan protective circle. And so on up to the Russian men of the XIX-early. XX centuries, who believed that from evil spirits, against which the sign of the cross does not help,you should defend yourself … with obscenities. One gets the impression that rituals and symbols of pagan origin were consistently considered by Russian Christians unaware of this origin to be stronger than church-Christian ones.

Epics 1998. p. 216. Not uninteresting is the very indication of prayer "for sunrise", which is just as common for epic heroes. In Christianity, this practice was condemned back in the 5th century by Leo the Great (Kosidovsky Z. Biblical legends. Legends of the Evangelists. M.: Politizdat, 1990. p. 395).

Vlasova Z. I. Decree. cit., p. 189.

Propp V. Ya. Russian heroic epic. S. 207-208. Froyanov I. Ya., Yudin Yu. I. Decree. op. P. 30.

Ilya Muromets. P. 192.

Propp V. Ya. Russian heroic epic. P. 126.

Froyanov I. Ya., Yudin Yu. I. Decree. op. P. 31.

Boyes M. Zoroastrians. Beliefs and customs. SPb.: Petersburg Oriental Studies , 1994. p. 46.

Manu's laws. M.: Publishing house EKSMO-Press, 2002. S. 198-202. Mohan S. Vedic traditions (Mystery initiations, meditations, liturgical prayers, mantras, everyday rituals). Minsk: Rastr, 1999. S. 16-28.

Veletskaya N. N. Pagan symbolism of Slavic archaic rituals. M.: Sofia, 2003. p. 15.

Vlasova M. Russian superstitions. Encyclopedic Dictionary. SPb., Azbuka, 1998. S. 352.