On the eve of the February Revolution, politicians and generals hatched plans for a palace coup. The most amazing thing is that close relatives of Nicholas II played an active role in this.
The idea of the Supreme Commander
At the beginning of the 20th century, the Romanov family was large, but by no means friendly.
During the reign of Nicholas II, two grand dukes - the uncle of the tsar Pavel Alexandrovich and his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich - entered into unequal marriages. Cousin Kirill Vladimirovich married without the permission of Nicholas II, which was prohibited. All of them were punished - deprived of ranks, titles and exiled abroad.
But Nicholas II is a gentle man. After a while, he forgave all these grand dukes. But they harbored a grudge.
The emperor and empress lived in isolation, had little contact with relatives. This also did not lead to the establishment of warm relations. The wife of Nicholas II Alexandra Feodorovna, who was considered proud and arrogant, enjoyed particular dislike.
It would seem that the war that began in 1914 should have united the House of Romanov. Nothing like this. All Grand Dukes are military. All of them were waiting for high posts in the army and patronized their beloved generals. As a result - squabbles and resentments.
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True, the first to start intrigues was Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, who was not deprived of his high office. At the beginning of the war, the king appointed him Supreme Commander.
Nikolai Nikolaevich was in command badly. Under him, Russian troops were defeated in East Prussia, and in the spring of 1915, the "Great Retreat" began. It led to a political crisis. The majority of the State Duma united in the Progressive Bloc, which put forward a demand - to create a "government of confidence". That is, a government that would suit the Duma.
Nikolai Nikolaevich in the summer of 1915 did not think about a "government of trust". He considered Alexandra Fedorovna and Rasputin to be responsible for all the troubles in the country. He generally threatened to hang the "elder" if he decided to come to the front.
The Grand Duke had sincere conversations with Vladimir Orlov, the head of the emperor's military field office. Their conversations boiled down to the fact that Alexandra Fyodorovna should be imprisoned in a monastery.
Most likely it was idle chatter. But the empress knew about her. In August 1915, Nikolai Nikolaevich was removed from the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief and sent to command the Caucasian Front.
Some Romanovs were outraged, but soon subsided. For a while.
Hike to Tsarskoe Selo
Discontent grew in the country. By the end of 1916, it became universal. In the Duma, even such an ardent supporter of autocracy as Vladimir Purishkevich joined the opposition.
Politicians, generals, public figures, retired officials - all criticized the authorities. Everyone demanded a "government of trust", and for a start - the elimination of "dark forces", that is, the empress and Rasputin.
The relatives of Nicholas II did not stand aside either. In October-November, they met with the king and wrote letters. They asked and begged for Nicholas II to satisfy the demands of the public.
The requests came to nothing. And then "their highnesses" began to plot conspiracies.
Of all the high society conspiracies, only one succeeded - the murder of Rasputin. The tsar's cousin Dmitry Pavlovich took a direct part in it.
Almost all members of the imperial family sympathized with him. And some helped. For example, Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich, always famous for his liberal beliefs. He called the murder of Rasputin "half measure", "since it is imperative to put an end to Alexandra Fedorovna."
The Grand Duke talked about this at all social meetings. On New Year's Eve, the tsar exiled him from St. Petersburg. "Alexandra Feodorovna is triumphant, but how long will the bitch keep power?" - wrote Nikolai Mikhailovich in his diary. The word "bitch" perfectly shows what the relationship was within the imperial house.
And Nikolai Mikhailovich was not alone. The conspiratorial activity was developed by the Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna and her sons - Cyril, Andrey and Boris Vladimirovich. They are longtime enemies of the Empress.
The French ambassador Maurice Paleologue recorded the conversations of the Vladimirovichs in his diary. And they talked about "saving tsarism by means of a palace coup." The plans were as follows: “With the help of four guards regiments, whose loyalty has already been shaken, [they] will move at night to Tsarskoe Selo; capture the king and queen; the emperor will be proved the need to abdicate; the empress will be imprisoned in a monastery; then the heir Alexei will be declared tsar, under the regency of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich."
Maria Pavlovna discussed plans for a palace coup with Duma Chairman Mikhail Rodzianko and the French ambassador. Moreover, Rodzianko declined to discuss, but Palaeologus, the ambassador of a friendly state, promised assistance.
Rumors about the activity of Vladimirovich reached Nicholas II. He took some measures: he sent Kirill Vladimirovich to Murman with a military inspection, and Andrei Vladimirovich was sent to Kislovodsk for treatment. Maria Pavlovna soon went there too.
The hospital will not be open
The plans for a palace coup were not only made by the grand dukes. According to the leader, a member of the Progressive Bloc Vasily Shulgin, "sparrows were chirping about the coup in every living room."
But the bird chirping was not limited to. There were several conspiratorial centers. In Petrograd, such a center was headed by the leader of the Octobrist Party, Alexander Guchkov. Duma deputy Nikolai Nekrasov and millionaire Mikhail Tereshchenko helped him. All are future ministers of the Provisional Government.
"The plan was," said Guchkov, "to seize the imperial train on the road between Tsarskoye Selo and Headquarters, to force the abdication." In relation to Nicholas II, "only moral violence" was conceived.
In Moscow, the conspirators were led by Prince Georgy Lvov, the future head of the Provisional Government. Muscovites relied on Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, who was in command of the Caucasian Front.
On behalf of Lvov, the mayor of Tiflis Alexander Khatisov met with the Grand Duke. Already in exile, Khatisov said: "Nikolai Nikolaevich had to establish himself in the Caucasus and declare himself ruler and king." Nicholas II was supposed to "be arrested and taken into exile, and the tsarina was imprisoned in a monastery, they talked about exile, and the possibility of murder was not rejected."
If Nikolai Nikolayevich agrees, Khatisov had to send a telegram to the conspirators: "The hospital is open, come."
The Grand Duke did not agree. He was embarrassed not by the very possibility of a coup, not by loyalty to the oath, but by disbelief in success. He was afraid that the soldiers would not support the conspirators. Khatisov had to send a telegram: "The hospital will not be open."
Fatal telegram
The plans for a palace coup remained just plans. But they played an important role. By the beginning of 1917, both politicians and generals got used to the idea that Nicholas II should abdicate the throne. The king, in their eyes, seemed to have lost his legitimacy. And at the very first shock - at the news of the soldiers' revolt in Petrograd - they seized on the idea that seemed to them to be salutary - the idea of renunciation.
And the technical details had already been prepared: in March 17, the imperial train really got stuck between Headquarters and Tsarskoye Selo, and Nicholas II, under "moral pressure", really signed the act of abdication. Moreover, Alexander Guchkov received him.
During the February Revolution, none of the great dukes raised a finger to help Nicholas II. Nikolai Nikolaevich, like other front commanders, sent a telegram in which he asked the tsar to abdicate the throne. According to eyewitnesses, this telegram shocked Nicholas especially strongly and after reading it several times, the tsar finally decided to relinquish power.
The monarchy collapsed. And this was largely facilitated by the closest relatives of the last Russian emperor. Well, history is full of paradoxes.
Gleb STASHKOV