Before us are truly great historical figures, whose importance in the fate of Russia cannot be overestimated. "Praise to Princess Olga" dating back to the 11th century says with surprise about her: "… in body is a wife who has wisdom for a man"; in The Tale of Bygone Years it is said that she is "the wisest of all people." But, judging by Olga's deeds, she possessed not only wisdom, but also truly not a woman's imperious will and courage. As already mentioned, the chronicle information, according to which Olga was already in her sixties at the time of her husband's death, is deliberately incorrect; she, in all likelihood, was less than thirty years old, as evidenced by her extremely energetic activity - a campaign against the Drevlyans, a journey, or, most likely, two trips (in 946 and in the middle of 950s) to a distant (more than a thousand versts) Constantinople, trip (by the way,also more than a thousand versts in a straight line from Kiev to Ladoga) and the transformation in Northern Russia, the creation of its powerful fortified headquarters - Vyshgorod, etc. Olga continued Igor's political line, trying to strengthen and expand the alliance with the Byzantine Empire in every possible way. She arrived in Constantinople with an impressive (more than one hundred and fifty people) embassy and, despite the fact that there were certain frictions and contradictions in her relationship with the emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the alliance was quite strong. Until recently, it was believed that Olga's trip to Constantinople took place relatively late - in 957, that is, twelve years after the beginning of her reign. But, starting in 1981, one of the most prominent contemporary historians of Byzantium and its relations with Russia, G. G. Litavrin, in a whole cycle of research438 thoroughly proves thatthat Olga went to Constantinople shortly after the death of Igor (late 944 or early 945) - at the beginning of the summer of 946. This point of view has been supported by a number of prominent historians. At the same time, it was challenged in several articles by A. V. Nazarenko, 439 having stipulated, however, that he does not refute the conclusion of G. G. Litavrin, but only expresses certain doubts, relying on various details of historical sources. One can agree that the conclusion of G. G. Litavrin does not have one hundred percent reliability, but if we proceed from the general historical situation of that time, it is still much more reliable than the dating of Olga's embassy in 957. First, the previous Byzantine emperor Roman Lakapin, who concluded an agreement with Igor in the summer of 944, was removed from power on December 16 of the same year, and about the same time his "co-conspirator" Igor died. Naturally,that both Olga and the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who took the place of Roman, had to immediately carry out the confirmation of the agreement concluded by their predecessors. Further, it is known for sure that already in 949 a large detachment of Russian soldiers participated in the war of Constantine Porphyrogenitus with the Arabs, and this, presumably, implied the earlier "renegotiation" of the 944 treaty (where military assistance to Russia was provided). In the Byzantine chronicle of Skylitsa, by the way, it is said that "the wife of … the Russian archon (that is, Prince Igor - V. K.), when her husband died, arrived in Constantinople"; it is natural to believe that Olga's arrival took place immediately after Igor's death, and not almost a decade and a half later. Finally, already in 954 (that is, again before 957), Russia appears in Arab sources as the most important ally of Byzantium. So, the famous Arab poet alMutannabi (915-965) immediately after the first - unsuccessful - battle of the Byzantines (together with the Russians) and the Arabs at the fortress of alHadas on October 30, 954 wrote that it was in vain, they say, "arRum and arRus" (that is, Russia and Byzantium - Romeian kingdom) hope to defeat the Arab army. VM Beilis remarked in this regard: "Here for the first time we see the use of a number of terms" Rus "and" Rum "(later this is often found in Eastern literature when depicting two powerful military forces, which are the most dangerous enemies of Muslims).” 440 Since This information refers to the year 954, it is natural to conclude that Olga's arrival in Constantinople took place not in 957, but back in 946, for it is hardly the military unity of Byzantium and Russia, as evidenced by Arab sources,developed without direct negotiations between Olga and Konstantin Porphyrogenitus. The treatise "On Ceremonies", compiled with the direct participation of Constantine, tells about Olga's first reception: "… when Vasileus (Emperor Constantine) with Augusta (Empress Elena) and his scarlet children sat down … Archontissa (Princess Olga) was called. Sitting down at the behest of the basileus, she talked with him as much as she wished. On the same day a clitorium (solemn dinner) took place … Archontissa, bowing her head slightly, sat down at the apocoptus (imperial table). " A prominent historian of Byzantium and Russia, an emigrant GA Ostrogorsky (1902-1976) wrote about the quoted text: “The meaning of these details will become clear if we bear in mind the exceptional importance attributed to them by the rules of Byzantine ceremonial. The right to sit in the presence of the emperor was considered an extraordinary privilege … As a general rule, everyone who appeared before the emperor … fell prostrate before him … "Olga, however," confined herself to bowing her head slightly, "and" after official receptions … met with Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus and Empress Elena you can almost say easily.”441 It should be borne in mind that Constantine was not a“Russophile”at all; the famous historian A. N. Sakharov, the author of the work "Diplomacy of Ancient Rus", rightly says (based on the reasoning of Constantine in his treatise "On the Administration of the Empire") that the emperor was, on the contrary, a "Russophobe".442 At the same time, A N. Sakharov completely agrees with the quoted judgments of GA Ostrogorsky. What explains the high honors accorded to Olga? A. N. Sakharov gives a quite convincing answer to this question:"Russia was needed (or rather, necessary. - VK) Byzantium as a counterbalance in the struggle against Khazaria … and also as a supplier of allied troops in the confrontation with the Arabs" (ibid., P. 273). The relations of the Byzantine Empire with the Khazar Kaganate in the 940s –950s were indeed extremely hostile: for example, in his treatise On the Administration of the Empire (948–952), Constantine, describing the states and peoples neighboring the Empire, titled the chapter on the Kaganate very expressively: "About Khazaria, how it is necessary and by whose forces to fight it", 443 - that is, the Kaganate appeared in his perception of the world as an enemy, as they say, by definition. At the same time, there were undoubtedly certain disagreements between Olga and Konstantin. So, according to a number of historians, Olga pursued the goal of betrothal Svyatoslav to a representative of the Byzantine imperial family (most likely,with the youngest of five daughters of Constantine - Anna). It is believed that this “plot” in a “transformed” form is revealed in the chronicle story about Constantine's alleged offer to be engaged to Olga herself (the story, of course, is incongruous, since the emperor had a wife Elena, which the chronicle is silent about). According to the guesses of the prominent historian VT Pashuto, 444 supported by AN Sakharov, 445 Olga arrived in Constantinople together with the young son Svyatoslav; after all, in the Byzantine protocols on the admission of Olga, her "anepsy" appears, which means "blood relative", who ranks second after Olga in the hierarchy of the embassy. The fact that Svyatoslav has hardly even reached the age of ten does not at all exclude the idea of matchmaking, since decisions on dynastic marriages were often made long before the bride and groom reached marriageable age. And Svyatoslav's "incognito" was probably dictated by the unwillingness to announce his presence at the embassy before the agreement on a future marriage. From the writings of Constantine it is clear that he categorically objected to the marriages of the imperial family with Russian "barbarians", and Olga's intention was deliberately doomed to failure. However, Olga nevertheless turned out to be, as it were, more perspicacious than Constantine, for although she did not manage to arrange the wedding of her son with the emperor's daughter - who, most likely, was called Anna - later, forty years later, when Constantine's grandson, Basil II, ruled, Olga's grandson Vladimir nevertheless got married to another Anna - the granddaughter of Emperor Constantine! And this, of course, is by no means just a curious "case". In the difference between the results of matchmaking to a daughter and, later,to the granddaughter of Emperor Constantine, the historical path of Russia from the 940s to the 980s was clearly embodied. In all likelihood, after that trip to Constantinople, which was discussed, Olga converted to Christianity.
The place and date of this event has been debated for a long time. GG Litavrin considers it most reliable that it took place during Olga's second trip to Constantinople - in 954 or 955; according to other historians, Olga was baptized in Kiev at this time. As shown above, Christianity has been developing in Russia to one degree or another since the 860s, and there is even some reason to believe that the ruler of Kiev Askold himself was baptized at that time. But Olga's baptism, firstly, is completely undoubted, and, secondly, it was a much more conscious and meaningful act than the previous introduction of Russians to Orthodoxy. According to the chronicle, Olga constantly - albeit in vain - sought to introduce Svyatoslav to Christianity (about which - below), and the chronicler put into her mouth the heartfelt words: “The will of God be done; If God wants to have mercy on my family and the Russian land,let him put it on their hearts to turn to God, as God gave me a gift”. And Olga's grandson Vladimir really “turned to God”. Therefore, the Russian Church reasonably appropriated Olga (as well as Vladimir) with the dignity of equal to the apostles (that is, having a merit equal to the merits of Christ's apostles). Olga's state activity was extremely large-scale. In addition to establishing strong relationships with Byzantium and establishing order in Northern Russia, Olga made efforts to establish ties with the West. In 959, she sent an embassy to the German king (since 962 - the emperor of the Holy Roman Empire) Otto I the Great. In the German chronicles it is stated that “the ambassadors of Helen (the Christian name of Olga. - V. K.), the Queen of the Rugs (Russians. - V. K.),baptized in Constantinople … appearing to the king … they asked to appoint a bishop and priests to the people. " In 961, the Catholic bishop Adalbert went to Kiev, but was in fact expelled from there.446 This message prompted a number of historians to suggest that by 959 the relationship between Russia and Byzantium had decisively deteriorated, and Olga intended to join the Catholic Church. However, this version is clearly contradicted by the fact that in 960 the Russian army once again participates in the battles of Byzantium with the Arabs. And, one must think, those researchers are right who believe that the transformation of Russia into a Catholic diocese did not at all correspond to the aspirations of Olga, who only wanted to establish relations with the West. It is highly indicative that the quoted article in the German chronicle begins like this: “… 959. The king again went against the slaavians; Titmar died in this campaign. Ambassadors of Helena, Queen of Rugs … ", etc. And, obviously, the author of the treatise" Papacy and Russia in the XXV centuries "B. Ya. Ramm is right, who argued:" In close connection with the wars of conquest against the by force in 956 (that is, three years before Olga's embassy. - V. K.), there is also an undisguised interest shown by Otto to Russia … he planned to create … dioceses … in the regions of the pagans: one such diocese was planned in Poland and another in Russia. Conversion to the Christian (Catholic. - V. K.) faith of the Russians was important for Otto I insofar as it was, as he hoped,could facilitate the final conquest of the Western Slavs and the spread of his political influence in Russia … Adalbert came to Kiev with the title of "Russian bishop" … and soon after the guests arrived in Kiev, such indignation arose at their address … that Adalbert and his companions thought it best to hastily leave the borders Kiev land.”447 It is quite remarkable that the rejection of the“mission”of Adalbert did not lead to the rupture of relations between Russia and Germany. Otto I, apparently, nevertheless resigned himself to the fact that Russia did not want to become a part of the Catholic world, and the “imperial congress” convened by him in March 973 was attended by the embassy of Russia, representing the grandson Olga who reigned in Kiev at that time (who had died about four years before) Yaropolk (his father, Svyatoslav, died a year earlier). So, Olga, in essence, "brought" Russia to the world arena,establishing relationships with both Byzantium located to the south of Kiev, and with Western Europe in the person of its most powerful then power. But the problem of relations with the eastern neighbor, the Khazar Kaganate, was quite complicated. We have no information about any military clashes between Russia and the Khazars in the period from 945 to 965, when Svyatoslav's victorious campaign against Itil was made. But the very fact of this powerful campaign, from which the heroic activity of Svyatoslav began, clearly testifies to the formidable danger from the Kaganate. Emperor Constantine wrote between 948 and 952 about "the fortress of Kiev called Samvatas." This name, as recently confirmed by a thorough philological study of A. A. Arkhipov,is of Jewish origin ("Sambation") and in this case means a border fortress - that is, located on the western border of the Kaganate.448 Another researcher of the situation in Kiev at that time, V. N. Toporov, relying on a number of information, proves that "the situation … is characterized by the presence in the city of the Khazar administration and the Khazar garrison.”449 This, in my opinion, is fully confirmed by the fact that Olga was not in Kiev, but in the fortress Vyshgorod she created twenty kilometers north of the capital; the chronicle under the year 946 states: "Be bo Vyshegorod grad (which meant" fortress "- V. K.) Volzin" (Holgin). Vyshgorod is sometimes viewed as a "suburban residence"; however, it is well known that, in addition to the princely palace in Kiev itself,there was also a really suburban (two-three kilometers from the then city limits) palace in the village of Berestovo. Vyshgorod (this is already evident from the name itself) was an impregnable fortress towering on a steep hill above the Dnieper, and, what is especially significant, and this Olga's city, as proved by recent archaeological research, created iron-making and iron-processing enterprises that formed (according to archaeologists) a whole “quarter of metallurgists. 450 Since Kiev had a highly developed metallurgy by the standards of that time, it is quite obvious that Olga considered it necessary to be able to produce weapons outside of any control of the Khazar fortress Samvatas. It is important to add that, as archaeological research has shown, under Olga's successors, when there was no longer a Khazar "presence" in Kiev,The “metallurgists' quarter” in Vyshgorod “is narrowing, in its place there are residential estates” (cit. Cit., P. 35). Further, there is every reason to believe that the chronicle report on the distribution of the Drevlyan tribute - "two parts of the tribute goes to Kiev, and the third to Vyshgorod and Olza" - implies a deplorable circumstance: "two parts of the tribute" went to the "Khazar administration" of Kiev … American turkologist Omelyan Pritsak did not so long ago expressed the opinion that the "Pasyncha conversation" mentioned in the chronicle under the year 945, located near the Kiev tract (district) "Kozare", is a tent ("conversation" in the Old Russian language meant not only "conversation", but also "tent", "Tent" - cf. the word "gazebo") collectors of tribute, for "pasyncha" is a Turkic word of the same root as the later (already Mongolian times) word "baskak". 451 So the situation in Kiev under Olga was difficult and threatening,but the princess did not stop her activities, observing security measures; this is clear both from the presence of Vyshgorod, and from the number of soldiers established by G. G. Litavrin - more than 1300 people - who accompanied Olga on her journey in 946 to Constantinople. According to the chronicle, Olga had to wait for a long time in the bay in front of Constantinople before she was allowed into the city; Perhaps the Greeks were alarmed by such an abundance of soldiers at her embassy. Finally, one cannot but pay special attention to the fact that, according to quite reliable information from a contemporary of the Emperor Constantine, dating back to 948-952, young Svyatoslav “sat” not in Kiev, and not even in Vyshgorod, but in Northern Russia, in “Nemogard ", which has long been identified with Novgorod, actually built later; it was about Nevogorod Ladoga,where else Oleg the Prophet erected the first stone fortress in Russia (modern archeology has proved that Novgorod did not appear earlier than the second half of the 10th century).”452 According to the chronicle, Olga went to Northern Russia in 947 in order to restore state order and a strong connection with Kiev; at the same time, she settled her young son there in order to ensure his safety and conditions for creating - far from Khazar control - a powerful army.
V. V. Kozhinov. History of Russia and the Russian Word
