In June 1920, an English journalist visited revolutionary Russia and talked with Vladimir Lenin. In this article, he talks about the impression that the Bolshevik leader made on him. And also about the views of Vladimir Ilyich on British politics.
Lenin has his own way of communicating with journalists who interview him. Trotsky, Radek, Rykov, like most people, use interviews as phonographs, seeing in them a means to convey their views to a foreign audience. Lenin, on the other hand, is confusing, changing roles with his interlocutor, who later, when it’s too late, is surprised to realize that the head of Soviet Russia asked as many questions as he did himself, and that only mathematicians can decide who interviewed whom.
So, reading my notes of interviews with Lenin before leaving Moscow, I discovered that I was subjected to a counter-interrogation on some questions of British politics, to which I could not answer competently enough (these questions he should have asked members of the British Labor delegation), although I wanted to discuss topics related exclusively to Russia. I must apologize for writing down some of my answers, as I did it simply in order to record Lenin's questions and comments that clearly characterize this man, who is by no means a narrow-minded fanatic, as some of his English admirers think of him.
Lloyd George had just taken a step towards forming what then appeared to be a decidedly anti-Labor party. Lenin asked when, in my opinion, the next elections would take place. I replied that it is difficult for me to judge this, but it seems to me that they will be held when the prime minister is able to give the country a clear answer to the question of nationalization: for or against.
"And what will be the result?"
I expressed the opinion that the majority would definitely be against nationalization.
"So you think there won't be a Labor government in the near future?"
"Not".
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He then asked if all the Labor parties (mentioning the Labor Party proper, the Independent Labor Party, the British Socialist Party and the Socialist Labor Party) would form a bloc for the elections, and further, if the Communists would get any seats in exchange for their support. Lenin said: “I think it is foolish for the socialists in England to refrain from voting. The revolution in England in its appearance will be very different from the revolutions in other countries, and I am entirely for voting and for the formation of at least a temporary bloc within the Labor Party."
I said that I thought it very likely that the Labor Party would refuse to have anything in common with the radical socialist parties. Lenin replied: "In that case, it is very good for the socialist parties that the refusal will come from the official Labor parties, and not from themselves."
Referring to the general international situation from the point of view of Russia, Lenin said: “You must remember that the rest of Europe consists of states of different types, with different social shades. The moment has passed when they could form a single coalition to destroy us. I think we can definitely say that this moment is over."
I said that in a military sense, this is true, but that does not in any way affect the question of whether Russia can get out of its economic crisis without Western help. I noted that if the next five years are a time of unrest and an intensification of revolution, Russia will receive very little. And if the revolution starts in England, Russia will get nothing at all.
Lenin said: “In this sense, everything is correct. The shock wave from the revolution in England will immediately be felt by the whole world, and a temporary effect of this kind will arise, although this will not ensure the final defeat of capitalism. However, it is clear that the revolution in England will not come so quickly. (A year ago, Lenin assessed the situation quite differently.)
