On March 5, 1953, Comrade Stalin, "the greatest leader of all times and peoples," died. But it turns out that his "political death" happened two days before that, on March 3. It was on this day, while the Generalissimo was still alive, that a meeting of the Bureau of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU took place, at which his closest associates first deprived Joseph Vissarionovich of all their posts, and then just as hastily and cynically divided the powers among themselves.
It is clear that all the adopted changes in the personnel policy of the country's top leadership were announced only after the death of the leader. At least, in the central newspapers about the fait accompli was published only on March 7. And, as usual, all the new appointments were conceived and implemented "at the will of the working people."
APPROVE
This meeting in a narrow circle had its continuation. It was necessary to somehow legitimize the decisions taken by the top of the party elite. And now on March 5, again with Stalin still alive, a joint extended session of the Plenum of the Central Committee, the Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was convened. It was opened by the best friend of atomic physicists and loyal associate of the Secretary General Lavrenty Beria, who in the very first phrases suggested electing to the post of the Chief Council of Ministers (instead of Stalin, who "allowed interruptions in the government of the country"), a loyal Leninist and staunch communist Georgy Malenkov. It should be noted that practically all meetings and sessions of that time were held under the constant accompaniment of the so-called “claqueurs” - extras, whose task was to “correct” shouts and “approvals” from the audience. So at the extended meeting, after the proposal of Comrade Beria, joyful exclamations were immediately heard from the seats: “Quite right! Approve!"
And then everything went according to the well-established scenario: with the same full approval of the audience, Lavrenty Pavlovich "appointed" himself the head (sorry, he offered to approve in office) of the power department itself - a joint ministry created on this occasion, which included the MGB and the NKVD. Nikolai Bulganin received the portfolio of the Minister of Defense, and his future undertaker Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev became the First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, instead of Stalin General Secretary. It is also noteworthy that under the guise of a transition "from the sole Stalinist leadership" to the collective leadership, the enlarged Presidium elected at the previous Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU on October 16, 1952 was dissolved. It was the idea of Stalin himself - to bring “into the people” more young, energetic and promising functionaries. The leader seemed to have a presentiment of trouble and tried to insure himself in case of something with the support of "fresh people" in the power corridors, owing to him their career rise. The irony of fate, however, lies in the fact that none of the dozens of the General Secretary's nominees raised a finger to resist the cynical overthrow of the "father of nations." Moreover, all 250-plus people who participated in the extended meeting voted unanimously for the proposals of Beria and his inner circle. By the way, this list also included the future General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, comrade Leonid Brezhnev.all 250 plus people who participated in the extended meeting voted unanimously for the proposals of Beria and his inner circle. By the way, this list also included the future General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, comrade Leonid Brezhnev.all 250 plus people who participated in the extended meeting voted unanimously for the proposals of Beria and his inner circle. By the way, this list also included the future General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, comrade Leonid Brezhnev.
UNSECURED SUCCESSORS
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Many times Comrade Stalin, already a seriously ill person, raised before his comrades-in-arms the question of retirement and appointment to senior positions, which he held, "younger and worthy," as he put it, leaders of the party and government. It is clear that the suspicious and suspicious leader in this way only checked the closest circle for loyalty and devotion, vigilantly looking at the reaction of his comrades, not missing anything and not forgetting to note the mood of those present: well, how would someone from the inner circle take these "requests" at face value and will seriously join the game proposed by the secretary general. It could be assumed with absolute certainty that such would-be reformers, who agreed to dismiss the Generalissimo, were awaited by one thing - an early and ruthless reprisal. The last such attempt to ask to "release" him for retirement was made by Stalin directly from the rostrum of that very Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU on October 16, 1952. At that time, Georgy Malenkov instantly reacted to such a reply from the “owner”, shouting from the spot: “In no case! Comrade Stalin is the only and most worthy of those who are capable of leading our country and the Soviet people to the victories of communism!”Adding to these phrases a few more praises addressed to the leader.
And this is not surprising: the events that followed every time the potential successors of the secretary general were found were still too fresh in the memory. Moreover, Iosif Vissarionovich himself often, as if making fun of his entourage, "let slip" about the next candidate for a party comrade, whom he allegedly wanted to see in his chair. For example, after the war, the leader favored the First Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee and the City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and at the same time the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR Andrei Zhdanov, who, as you know, died overnight as a "candidate for general secretary" from heart disease (about which for a long time gossip). Then the time came for the next owner of Leningrad, Alexei Kuznetsov, who by that time had already become the secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (and his successor, Peter Popkov), and with him the Chairman of the USSR State Planning Committee Nikolai Voznesenskywhom Stalin openly called his successors. Out of the blue, the "Leningradskoe Delo" burst out like a thunderbolt, where Kuznetsov, Voznesensky and many other "Petersburgers" were convicted, who fell under the "distribution", that is, under execution. And in this regard, the reaction of Georgy Malenkov to the next demarche of Stalin, who asked for retirement, is fully justified - after all, in the last months of his life, he repeatedly named Georgy Maximilianovich among his most likely heirs.- after all, in the last months of his life, he more than once called Georgy Maximilianovich among his most likely heirs.- after all, in the last months of his life, he more than once called Georgy Maximilianovich among his most likely heirs.
TOO CONVENIENT
Historians, doctors, conspiracy theorists and everyone else are still arguing about whether the secretary general was poisoned or died a natural death. As they say in such cases: look for who benefits. And indeed: the leader of all nations died too just in time, never having time to leave a political testament or name a specific successor. Or was there still a man whom Stalin planned to bring so close to himself as to make him, if not a substitute for himself, then at least his closest associate?
There is no point in guessing on the coffee grounds, especially since there are people who can lift the veil of secrecy and tell about what they learned about because of their official duties. For example, the former Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Anatoly Lukyanov, during his tenure as secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, was in charge of the General Department. By virtue of his position, he had direct access to the so-called "Special folder". So, Anatoly Ivanovich, on the basis of facts known to him from secret sources, argued that Ponomarenko's candidacy for the role of successor was quite real. Moreover, Stalin himself, at the end of February, ordered the preparation of an appropriate document on the appointment of Panteleimon Kondratyevich to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR (that is, to the post he himself held at that time), insisting on his "early departure."However, such a "rejection" could not mislead anyone. Moreover, at the notorious 1952 Central Committee Plenum, the leader had already attacked his closest associates, Anastas Mikoyan and Klim Voroshilov, with serious criticism. This could only mean one thing: another and, most likely, a grandiose personnel purge of senior party and state officials is coming, followed by organizational conclusions and, accordingly, constant repressions. The draft document on this and other personnel appointments was to be considered already on March 2 at the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee. The old guard could not allow this. And therefore, as soon as the paper was prepared, I decided to act without delay. In this regard, it will not be superfluous to recall the day on which the first reports of the Secretary General's malaise were dated - March 1, 1953. Is not it,all this looks too suspicious in the light of the above circumstances. By the way, the Presidium of the Central Committee did take place as planned, only not on the 2nd, but on the 3rd. And his decisions, as we already know, were not in favor of the sick Comrade Stalin, but against him. But the main thing is that the swiftness with which the fate of the leader was decided on March 5 at that very extended session is striking: within only 25 minutes, he, still alive by that time, was removed from all his posts. Moreover, unanimously! And this already smacked of a coup d'etat!with which already on March 5, at that same extended meeting, the fate of the leader was decided: within only 25 minutes, he, still alive by that time, was removed from all his posts. Moreover, unanimously! And this already smacked of a coup d'etat!with which already on March 5, at that same extended meeting, the fate of the leader was decided: within only 25 minutes, he, still alive by that time, was removed from all his posts. Moreover, unanimously! And this already smacked of a coup d'etat!
"KUKURUZNIK" AGAINST "PARTIZAN"
It remains to add that in the future, the draft Stalinist decree regarding the fate of Ponomarenko, according to Anatoly Lukyanov, mysteriously disappeared from the "Special folder", as if it did not exist. It is well known from historical sources that such "cleansing" of highly secret documents was arranged at one time not only by Comrade Stalin, but also by Khrushchev, who, when he was the head of state, how could he destroy all the papers related to his leading role in the organization and carrying out repressions in Ukraine, where from 1938 to 1949 (with a short break) he was the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. What is important, the fact of such purges is confidently confirmed by Major General of the KGB Mikhail Stepanovich Dokuchaev, an intelligence officer and later one of the leaders of the 9th Directorate (protection of the top officials of the state).
Assuming that even if the leader did not intend to arrange another wave of repressions with Ponomarenko's involvement in the highest power, Nikita Sergeevich and company (Malenkov and Beria) understood perfectly well that Panteleimon Kondratyevich was a stranger. And let things take their course, hoping that after the death of the "owner", Ponomarenko will not throw out some trick, the old guard did not dare. Moreover, the reputation of this communist spoke for itself: after all, the former First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus and the then Deputy Pre-Council of Ministers of the USSR and Secretary of the Central Committee was, among other things, the leader of the partisan movement during the Great Patriotic War. And what to expect from the main partisan of the country - no one in the newly created top leadership knew and did not want to know: secrecy and decisiveness when it came to a specific case,There was no need to teach Panteleimon Kondratyevich. Therefore, the situation was simply let down on the brakes, first by appointing Ponomarenko to the not decisive position of Minister of Culture, and then completely “shoved” into ambassadors, sending him to diplomatic work - away from sin and from the Kremlin.
THE MYSTERY OF STALIN'S FIRST AID KIT
It is well known that, despite the fact that during the war and in the post-war period, Stalin experienced more than one stroke, he remained a completely healthy and strong man. This was partly due to … his suspicion. What a sin to hide here - the leader constantly feared for his life and, out of fear of poisoning, not only refused to take medications prescribed by the luminaries from medicine, but also tried food only after it was repeatedly checked by the relevant services.
By the way, the secretary general himself, according to some sources, widely used the possibilities of the NKVD special laboratory for the manufacture of all kinds of poisons to settle personal accounts with opponents in the party. Moreover, when, with the victory in the inter-party struggle, he no longer needed her services, the leaders of this "poisonous" department, headed by Professor Ignatiy Kazakov, were repressed in the late 1930s (read - shot).
The fact that Stalin never used medicines from the first-aid kit officially designated for him is a fact documented by many testimonies of his associates and guards. Fearing the substitution of poisonous drugs for the pills, he acted simply: he sent his housekeeper Valentina Istomin for them to the nearest pharmacy. But, as they say, there is a hole in the old woman: apparently, someone managed to slip poison into the food or drink of the leader, which led to his slow but inevitable death. How it actually happened is still a mystery sealed with seven seals.
Vitaly KARYUKOV